Between now and the next election

If the legislative assembly observes convention, the most likely date for Nunavut’s next territorial election will be the fall of 2003, four and half years after our first election in February, 1999.

That date is not official. But if the assembly chooses to do so, it means that, practically speaking, members of Nunavut’s first elected government have about a year in which to accomplish something substantive.

That’s not a lot of time. So this week we thought we’d have some fun by looking at Nunavut’s cabinet members — focusing on the quality of their performances so far, and their political prospects up to and beyond the next territorial election.

Paul Okalik:

Just when it seemed as if the federal government had run out of ways to screw Nunavut, they’ve come up with another one — handing Nunavut’s commercial fishing rights to the Makivik Corporation as a kind of signing bonus for the settlement of Nunavik’s offshore claim.

Okalik’s reaction to this outrage demonstrates that he’s grown and matured within his job— unlike some of his colleagues. When defending Nunavut’s interests, Okalik now shows real fire in his belly, a quality that ought to help get him re-confirmed as premier in the next assembly. When you consider that he never really wanted to become Nunavut’s government leader until after the Feb. 15, 1999 election, when he benefitted from an anybody-but-Anawak movement, this is impressive.

Because of the nature of the consensus system, where cabinet ministers are chosen by the assembly and not the premier, Okalik’s ability to control other ministers is severely limited. Imposing vision and direction on the government will continue to be a challenge for him.

But given his wise decision to vote against the ill-timed MLA pension bill last month, Okalik will be an unassailable candidate should he decide to contest the Iqaluit West seat again in the next election. Who knows? He may even turn out be a two-term premier.

Olayuk Akesuk

Now that he has a competent new deputy minister (Alex Campbell, who replaced Katherine Trumper), and a new assistant deputy minister (Rosemary Keenainak, who replaced Peter Ittinuar), Akesuk has a chance to redeem his department’s tattered reputation.

But he’d better act soon, because the pressure is on. His Sustainable Development department is expected to not only produce a draft Wildlife Act by the fall, but also a credible consultation process that’s good enough to satisfy Nunavut Tunngavik Inc. and Nunavut’s hunters’ organizations.

His department is also the lead territorial agency responsible for working out the disposition of the Nanisivik mine’s assets. Within a few months, they’ll have to produce an agreement on an alternative use for the site, and they had better pray that the cash-strapped Breakwater Resources firm stays afloat long enough to pay its share of the clean-up costs.

On some other issues, Sustainable Development is still a black hole where creative ideas disappear forever, never to be heard again. After nearly two years, they’ve done nothing to support the development of a film industry in Nunavut, despite having been given specific proposals on how to do it. And the department is still sitting on its broadband task force report, which should have been released many months ago. Akesuk and his new senior officials will have their work cut out for them.

As for his re-election chances in South Baffin, Akesuk ought to win again next year, but you never know — in small communities, vote splits can produce bizarre election results.

Peter Kilabuk

To be a politically successful education minister in northern Canada, you have to learn how to defend the indefensible.

But Kilabuk just isn’t very good at it. His method of justifying the school system’s sorry record is to trot out meaningless graduation statistics and then to brazen his way towards total avoidance of all other issues: overcrowded classrooms, the absence of Inuktitut curricula, deteriorating school buildings, inadequate student financial assistance, and, well — you get the picture.

Now he has the job of moving the newly tabled Education Act through the assembly. But even after two years, no one in his department seems able to say what’s in it, or why it has to be amended. The new act will contain a lot of brave new words about Inuktitut education — but Kilabuk shows no sign of being able to find the money or the administrative know-how needed to make them real.

It’s likely that the department’s other responsibilities, daycare and income support, will continue to suffer, but that won’t cause any political problems for Kilabuk. In this legislative assembly, there’s little compassion for working families and the poor.

Ed Picco

When Premier Okalik gave Picco the health and social services portfolio in 1999, he may as well have hung a “kick me” sign around Picco’s neck.

He inherited three dysfunctional health boards, several years worth of accumulated deficits, a shaky plan for the privatized construction and lease-back of three new health facilities, and staff shortages everywhere, especially in nursing.

So far, Picco’s managed to tough it out. But over the coming months, officials in his department, together with their counterparts in Public Works and Finance, will have to figure out how to pay for three new health facilities in a way that won’t cripple the health system’s finances for an entire generation. He’ll also face more pressure to improve mental health services in Nunavut.

The appointment of the well-respected Abraham Tagalik as assistant deputy minister of Health and Social Services will help Picco stave off criticisms that there aren’t enough Inuit running his department. And the little man from Portugal Cove is still popular with his constituents. Should he run again, he’s a likely shoo-in for Iqaluit East.

Peter Kattuk

Some people say that the key to success in northern territorial politics is to do and say as little as possible. If so, Kattuk is destined for a long and remunerative career.

It’s difficult to hold Kattuk responsible for the problems with the CLEY department that preceded his move to Public Works. But the quiet man from Sanikiluaq is likely to face some tough questions soon over Nunavut’s sub-standard gasoline supplies, especially on whether the government intends to compensate disgruntled snowmobile owners.

As for his re-election chances, a cabinet minister from a small community always puts himself at risk when he or she spends too much time in the territorial capital. If a long list of candidates emerge to contest Kattuk’s Hudson Bay seat in the next election, anything can happen.

Manitok Thompson

Thompson is probably one of the more competent ministers in the Nunavut government.

But her overbearing arrogance and defensiveness may yet turn out to be a fatal flaw, especially in her new job as minister of Community Government and Transportation. Thompson also has a history of being unpopular with the employees of whatever department she’s in charge of — not a good trait if you rely on the same people to get things done.

That department’s well-known former deputy minister, the well-respected Mike Ferris, is being replaced by somebody called John Walsh, who has served as a deputy minister in the British Columbia and Yukon governments. Thompson will need all the help she can get to deal with Nunavut’s disgruntled mayors and hamlet officials. Every community in Nunavut is struggling with mounting infrastructure problems, and many municipal officials feel that territorial government officials haven’t been aggressive enough in lobbying Ottawa for more money.

That’s one reason why the Nunavut Association of Municipalities is holding its next general meeting in Ottawa. Not only is it cheaper — the NAM also believes they can lobby Ottawa officials more effectively than Nunavut’s cabinet ministers.

As for her re-election chances, Thompson could be vulnerable in Rankin Inlet South. In 1999, she beat Levinia Brown by only 13 votes, with Harry Towtongie finishing a close third.

Jack Anawak

The Nunavut cabinet’s human pinball, Jack Anawak has bounced from the departments of Justice and Community Government to the department with the grandest title and the smallest budget: Culture, Languages, Elders and Youth.

At $6.3 million in 2001-2002, the CLEY department’s budget is the smallest of all territorial government departments. But Anawak will likely get a few more dollars to play with after the government’s 2002-3 O&M budget is tabled later this month.

Like Thompson, Anawak could be vulnerable in the next election. In 1999, he beat the late Louis Pilakapsi by only 13 votes, with Lorne Kusugak finishing a close third.

Kelvin Ng

Cambridge Bay’s rumour mill has it that Ng will not run again in the next election, and will settle permanently in Yellowknife to resume his business career. Since growing numbers of his consituents are getting restive about an MLA who appears to spend more time outside of Nunavut, in Yellowknife, than in Cambridge Bay, this is good timing from his point of view.

That means until the next election Ng will likely do what he does best — play a defensive game by avoiding controversy and keeping a low profile. On those rare occasions in the House when some MLA manages to ask him a tough question, Ng usually defends himself by just fogging up the room with carefully-worded verbosity.

But he should count himself lucky. Ng has presided over one of the Nunavut government’s greatest fiascos — its staff housing shortage. It may take years for the GN to dig itself out of that particular hole. Until then, get used to an understaffed government run by a small army of short-term contract consultants from the South, and an over-worked, over-stressed permanent northern work-force.

JB